Prof. Dr. Zahurul Alam :
The 2020s have brought renewed scrutiny to the state of democracy in South Asia, a home to over 1.9 billion people and six of the world’s most populous states. Recent global indexes show a mixed and troubling picture: modest gains in some metrics, but deepening structural weaknesses in political rights, civil liberties, and governance across many countries. By examining the most recent data (2023-2025) and key regional developments, we shall try to provide a comparative analysis of democracy in the South Asian states: from robust constitutional monarchies to fragile autocracies. The article contends that, in the absence of purposeful institutional reforms, robust safeguards for civic space, and enhanced electoral integrity, the broader democratic trajectory in South Asia is likely to experience continued regression.
South Asia hosts nearly a quarter of humanity, and its political trajectory carries outsized global significance. From the crowded streets of Dhaka, Karachi, and New Delhi, to the remote valleys of Bhutan and Nepal, the region reflects both age-old struggles for representation and 21stcentury challenges of governance, identity politics, and digital repression.
According to the Economist Intelligence Unit (EIU) 2024 Democracy Index, Asia (including South Asia) remains one of the weakest regions in global democratic performance, with more countries moving toward hybrid regimes or authoritarianism than toward liberal democracy.The Freedom House 2024 “Freedom in the World” report continues to classify most South Asian nations as “Partly Free” or worse, citing frequent restrictions on political rights, media freedoms, and civil liberties.Regional press-freedom surveys signal serious deterioration, with India, Pakistan, Bangladesh, and Bhutan ranking among the lowest globally in 2024-25.
Thus, despite the region’s enormous demographic and economic potential, democratic institutions and practices are under stress.
Here is a snapshot of how South Asian countries currently fare, drawing on the most recent assessments and rankings:
· India: In the Economist Intelligence Unit (EIU)’s 2024 Democracy Index, India is classified as a “flawed democracy.” According to Freedom House, India is rated “Partly Free” in 2024-2025.Despite its long history as a democratic republic, by most contemporary measures India’s democratic institutions are under increasing stress.
· Bhutan: Media and civil liberties are under pressure. Young democracy; balancing monarchy and democratic institutions; little but rising political pluralism.
· Nepal: Frequent political instability; constitutional wrangles. Fragile institutional capacity; political fragmentation; socio-economic inequality.
· Sri Lanka: Moderate but declining after economic collapse and political crisis. Restrictions on media and political dissent after 2022 crisis. Economic collapse, foreign debt, ethnic tensions, weakness of parliamentary oversight.
· Bangladesh: Ranked as “Hybrid Regime” with downward trend since 2014. 2024-25 events weaken legitimacy further. Ongoing repression of opposition, curbs on media, weak election credibility. Electoral irregularities, shrinking civic space, constitutional ambiguity, economic inequality.
· Pakistan: Among the worst-performing major states in region, slid further in 2024 ranking. Not Free/Hybrid Authoritarian, recurrent military interference, harsh crackdown on dissent. Chronic instability, weak institutions, press repression, judicial politicization.
· Maldives: Highly volatile, occasional democratic bursts but fragile institutions and external pressures. Pressures on media, judiciary, and political opposition. Small population, external dependence (tourism), vulnerability to geopolitical pressures.
· Afghanistan: No meaningful democratic measure since 2021 takeover by Taliban. Classified as Not Free with zero political rights. Regime rules by decree, with severe gender and civilliberties restrictions. Full breakdown of representative institutions, human-rights catastrophe, international isolation.
Thus, only Bhutan and Nepal show modest democratic gains; all other nations are in stagnation or backward drift. The region is increasingly shifting toward hybrid or authoritarian governance models.
Several systemic factors explain the democratic regression across South Asia. Most of the countries have failed to guarantee impartial electoral commissions, judiciary, or media regulators, crucial for fair competition. Independent institutions are often co-opted or weakened. The civic space and media freedom is shrinking. Journalists, opposition voices, civil-society activists increasingly face harassment, censorship, or legal threats. The 2024-25 pressfreedom reports count over 250 violations across region, including dozens of arrests and even killings of journalists.Slow growth, inflation, unmet expectations, especially among youth, fuel disillusionment with democratic politics. Research shows that political instability correlates with higher inflation rates in several South Asian economies. These cases show that democratic gains require institutional patience, inclusive governance, and avoidance of abrupt political upheavals.
The decline in democratic quality has real human and economic costs. Studies show that political instability and weakened institutions correlate with lower productivity, higher inflation, and reduced long-term growth. Declines in civil liberties, press freedom, and access to justice reduce citizen trust, discourage investment, and hamper innovation. Identitybased politics, ethnic or religious “majoritarianism”, and centralized power polarize communities and undermine social cohesion. Also, authoritarian or hybrid regimes often lack capacity to respond to shocks (pandemics, climate disasters, economic downturns), which disproportionately hits marginalized groups.
Religious nationalism in India and Pakistan, ethno-linguistic divides in Sri Lanka and Nepal, and sectarian backlashes in Bangladesh have eroded social cohesion and democratic pluralism. Foreign interference, external security alliances, debt dependencies, and rivalry among great powers, especially in Maldives, Sri Lanka, Pakistan, Nepal, and Bangladesh distort domestic political dynamics.
South Asia stands at a crossroads. Once viewed as a promising cradle of postcolonial democracy, home to hundreds of millions yearning for liberty, opportunity, and representation, the region now faces a deep democratic drought. With rising authoritarian tendencies, shrinking civic space, and political instability, nearly every South Asian nation is grappling with weakened democratic structures.
Yet the future need not be bleak. Bhutan and Nepal demonstrate that incremental reform, rooted in inclusion, institutional strength, and gradual transformation can preserve democratic norms. If legitimized governance, electoral fairness, civic freedoms, and social justice become policy priorities again, South Asia can still reclaim a path toward democracy that delivers not just political rights, but dignity, development, and legitimate state-society bonds.
The test for the next decade is whether South Asian societies, their voters, civil society, political actors, and external partners, will treat democracy as a fragile inheritance to protect, or as a disposable trope to be manipulated. The stakes are high: for human dignity, stability, and the chance for a just future for nearly two billion souls.
(The author is Dean School of Business Canadian University of Bangladesh)
