Over the past few days, the campaign and substance of the referendum have weighed heavily on my mind. Though I generally try to stay informed, I found myself unable to answer basic questions about the referendum when asked by neighbors. I eventually downloaded the referendum-related PDF from the Election Commission’s website to develop a clearer understanding. At home, even the other two voters in my household, both senior citizens, lacked clarity. The same confusion echoed at pitha stalls and tea shops across the city. With little time left before the election, such ambiguity should not exist, though it is not yet too late.
Voters also have very limited access to information about the future plans of political parties. Visible initiatives aimed at engaging the public are largely absent, and many parties appear more occupied with criticising one another than clearly articulating their own positions.
On the referendum ballot, voters are presented with a single overarching question: “Do you agree with the following proposals?” Voters can stamp Yes or No. The proposals include forming the caretaker government, the Election Commission, and other constitutional institutions during the election period according to the procedures outlined in the July Charter. The next Parliament will be bicameral, with an upper chamber consisting of 100 members formed in proportion to the votes received by political parties in the national parliamentary election, and constitutional amendments will require approval by a majority of the upper chamber.
The winning parties will also be obligated to implement 30 reform proposals agreed upon in the July National Charter, including increased representation of women in parliament, election of opposition members to key parliamentary positions, term limits for the Prime Minister, expansion of presidential powers, and judicial independence. Other reforms outlined in the Charter will be implemented according to the commitments made by political parties.
It is this notion of ‘other reforms’ that remains most ambiguous, and the question is how many citizens are genuinely aware of the contents of the July Charter. The outcome of this referendum will shape not only the next parliament, but the future architecture of governance itself.
Public confusion also extends to the July Declaration and the July National Charter. The July Declaration grants state and constitutional recognition to the July 2024 mass uprising. Through it, the student–public movement is legitimized, and the risk of it being labeled in the future as an unconstitutional seizure of power is mitigated. The draft declaration contains 26 clauses, addressing issues ranging from the Liberation War to authoritarian rule, enforced disappearances, extrajudicial killings, human rights violations, criticism of Sheikh Hasina’s rule, and the context behind the formation of an interim government under Professor Muhammad Yunus on August 8, 2024. It proposes incorporating the July uprising into the preamble of the Constitution and annexing the declaration to its schedules, although the BNP has expressed partial dissent on this matter.
The July National Charter, meanwhile, is a document of political consensus aimed at implementing structural reforms across the state. It was formulated based on areas of agreement among political parties on proposals put forward by reform commissions established by the interim government. The National Consensus Commission finalised the Charter in 2025, comprising 84 clauses, with full or partial agreement from 32 political parties and alliances. Of these, 47 clauses are to be implemented through constitutional amendments, while 37 are proposed to be enacted through laws, ordinances, rules, and executive orders. Although the Charter reflects full consensus on 17 issues, significant dissent remains on critical matters, including state principles, the caretaker government system, the upper chamber, and provisions related to women’s reserved seats.
This referendum will be Bangladesh’s fourth and is scheduled to be held alongside the 13th National Parliamentary Election. Despite the government’s decision to hold it, broad public awareness remains limited. Political parties remain focused on parliamentary campaigns, while the referendum has largely been ignored. According to the Election Commission, responsibility for referendum-related campaigning lies primarily with the government. The Ministry of Information and Broadcasting has undertaken limited promotional efforts, but these are hardly visible on the ground. Experts note that while holding the referendum alongside parliamentary elections may increase voter turnout, uninformed participation risks making the exercise symbolic rather than substantive.
The most important spaces where voters form their decisions are not grand stages or televised talk shows, but these very cups of tea and winter pitha stalls. Political parties, both major and minor, must remember this. At the same time, the Election Commission must recognise this reality and urgently initiate effective awareness campaigns, so that the referendum becomes a genuine exercise of informed democratic choice rather than a mere formality.
At the heart of the referendum are reforms designed to strengthen democracy, prevent the concentration of power, and enhance institutional balance. The reforms introduce a ten-year term limit for the Prime Minister and separate the roles of Prime Minister and party or parliamentary leadership. Presidential powers are enhanced to maintain institutional balance and reduce the risk of authoritarianism, while decision-making becomes more inclusive through a multi-party caretaker government and bipartisan appointments to key state institutions.
Parliament will be made more representative and accountable through a bicameral structure, with opposition members holding leadership roles and committees. MPs will have greater independence in voting on matters beyond votes of no confidence and budgets. Major constitutional changes will require approval through referendums, judicial independence will be reinforced, and citizens’ fundamental rights, including protection against arbitrary internet shutdowns, will be expanded. Women’s representation in Parliament will gradually increase, presidential pardons for serious crimes will be restricted, and the languages of ethnic and indigenous communities will receive constitutional recognition alongside Bangla. These measures together aim to ensure that governance is transparent, inclusive, and accountable, giving citizens a genuine stake in the country’s future.
As voters sip chai and nibble bhapa pitha this winter, the responsibility to understand the referendum rests on everyone, citizens, political parties, and the Election Commission alike. Without clear awareness, even a historic referendum risks becoming a mere formality. But if informed debate prevails, this vote could mark a transformative step toward a more balanced, representative, and democratic Bangladesh.
The views expressed in this article are solely those of the author
The writer is a writer, researcher, and environmentalist
