On December 28, for the second time in just ten months, the people of Kosovo will be called upon to elect a new parliament. Many voters feel they’ve seen nothing but political theater for the past ten months, and they’re sick of it.
Liridon Spahiu, a 28-year-old student at the Christmas market on Zahir Pajaziti Boulevard in the Kosovar capital, Pristina, says it’s clear things can’t continue as they are: “Over the past few months, we’ve all increasingly been asking ourselves: What on earth is going on with this country and with the politics here?”
This is what’s been going on: In the parliamentary elections on February 9, 2025, the governing leftist-nationalist Vetevendosje party (“Self-Determination Movement,” or VV) won only 42% of the vote, losing its absolute majority, for which it needed 61 of the 120 seats that make up the Kosovar parliament.
But Vetevendosje was still the largest party, meaning that it, and incumbent Prime Minister Albin Kurti, had the right to select a candidate for parliamentary speaker. But that took over half a year, more than 50 rounds of voting, and a constitutional court ruling before, at the end of August, a politician was finally found — Dimal Basha — who was able to pick up the necessary few extra votes from the center-right block.
In Kosovo, the parliamentary speaker is a key figure for getting the political process moving after an election, because only he or she can set the agenda and initiate the work of parliament. Attempts to form a coalition government finally began in late August, but all negotiations between Albin Kurti and the opposition parties failed. Numerous rounds of talks with the Kosovar president, Vjosa Osmani, brought no resolution either. On November 20, 2025, the president had no option but to dissolve parliament and set a date of December 28 for fresh elections.
Donika Emini, a Kosovar political scientist, believes this “clearly showed that, to the political elite, the interests of the country and people are secondary.” She told DW: “It’s important that the parties demonstrate political maturity by being prepared to form governing coalitions.”
Emini does now see a glimmer of hope, noting that Kurti and Vetevendosje have shown greater openness toward other parties in recent weeks, which could indicate an end to the gridlock after the election.
The unprecedented political stalemate has meant that, for Kosovo, this has been a wasted year — at a time when the country is urgently in need of social, economic, and constitutional reform. The youngest European state is also one of the poorest countries on the continent. The official unemployment figure now stands at more than 25%; among young people, it is even higher. Around a fifth of the population live below the poverty line; there is no general system of statutory health insurance; the education system lacks qualified personnel, its institutions lack equipment. All this has in recent years led to a huge exodus of young people from the country, a trend that is continuing.
Kosovo is heavily dependent on financial transfers from the diaspora. In the past decade, these made up 12–18% of the country’s GDP; in 2024, it was around 13%. The political gridlock has meant that already-allocated EU subsidies of around €820 million ($966 million) could not be claimed. The country was unable to approve a budget for 2026, or implement justice reforms, or pass important economic legislation.
On top of this, there is the impasse in the conflict with Serbia. For years now, the EU has been urging Kosovo to agree to a “settlement” — but Kosovo finds some of its conditions unacceptable, such as the creation of a collective status for the Serbian minority. Many Kosovar politicians believe this could lead to the country’s politics being obstructed from Belgrade, as the Serbian minority’s organizations and institutions are controlled by the Serbian government.
On the other hand, Prime Minister Kurti and his Vetevendosje party have for years been pursuing “sovereignty politics,” the main aim of which has been to do away with the Belgrade parallel state in northern Kosovo. That policy might be a legitimate one, but many observers feel Kurti has at times pursued it in very confrontational and clumsy fashion. Ultimately, he and his government appeared to be the black sheep in the conflict with Serbia. Kosovo was sanctioned not least because the EU did not want to risk a conflict of its own with Serbia.
Just a few days ago, the EU announced that it would release frozen funds for Kosovo. This is because, following the local elections of October 2025, municipalities in the north of the country now have mayors in office who belong to the Belgrade-controlled “Serbian List” party, which boycotted the 2023 local elections.
But these are not the subjects on the minds of the people strolling around Pristina’s pedestrian zone. “We’re all discontented,” complains 65-year-old pensioner Nuhi Asllani. “How could we not be?” He doesn’t believe the parliamentary election on December 28 will change things for the better. “The gridlock is bound to continue,” he says.
Nazmi Gashi, meanwhile, a 50-year-old businessman, has some advice for politicians after the election: “The result is not the most important thing — what’s important is that there should be an awareness of the need to come to an agreement.”
Liridon Spahiu also hopes the parties have realized how weary the voters have become of politics. “People don’t want to see politicians’ egos anymore; they want to see hard work, dedication to the country, and a better life for each and every one of us.”
